This presentation is about insights from Italian-Roma communities and trusted leaders. Three objectives of this presentation are; to present alternative narratives and experiences of COVID-19 among Roma communities, to translate ethnographic evidence for policymaking, and to provide entry points for engagement and participation of Roma communities. First, I would like to give you some context. Based on ethnographic research, with Roma community in Italy, I will present a snapshot of experiences of public health initiatives of vaccination that are based and implicated by socioeconomic factors and pre-existing inequalities. It is important to be able to interrogate debates on vaccination resistance when we consider Roma communities. We're often referred to as the largest European ethnic minority despite their diversity of nationality, language, religion, and cultural practices. Although these differences are essential to consider, our research covered similarities in the ways Roma experienced the COVID-19 pandemic and the choices they make regarding vaccine uptake. They're also referred as a how to reach community, yet, there is no official data on rate of COVID-19 infections, hospitalizations, that's a vaccine updating on them. The reasons there are many fault one of which is the difference legislation for allowing or restricting ethnic data collection. Roma community suffer higher rates of poverty deprivation and marginalization than their normal from counterparts, and the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these existing in the communities. One example is the spatial exclusion of Roma in Italian cities, evidenced in the presence of Roma only camps usually located in the outskirts of cities and towns and often disconnected from public transport or amenities. Stigma is important to consider here. For Roma, the pandemic events have been primarily narrated in terms of their assumed reluctance to adhere to emergency regulations or their alleged lack of self-government. As a consequence, pandemic policymaking as being characterized by measures to contain and control Roma settlements across Europe. With disciplinary measures driven by the fear that COVID-19 rules spread among rural communities who could then, in turn bring contagion to the wider society. Structural discrimination impacted vaccination dresses among the community and on researching countered that they are complex goes as vaccine hesitancy, and this require a variety of approaches. The lack of understanding of this negatively impacts the development of appropriate vaccine responses. Here in the next slide, I present some lockdown nerdiest. Our research found a variety from the virus to vaccine uptake. Strict lockdown across Italy affected many, seen as spaces of contagion. The securitization of Roma accounts increased. As in other European countries' lockdowns for Roma, I included state as the characterization of entire neighborhoods rather than an individual level. The control of movements in elder people who were mostly employed in the informal sector or even manual and essential jobs were disproportionately affected by the lockdown decree. Many Roma were forced into debt and deeper poverty due to discontinued and precarious forms of employment. Our respondents found themselves struggling to access food, medication, education in general, and mainstream services. Education for Roma children, however, sporadically in pre-pandemic times became inaccessible due to the lack of technology, Internet access, school supplies and general, amenities in Roma settlements and their conditions of national lockdown. Public health measures and messages urging for social distancing and sanitation had no relevance for the occupation of Roma camps. To many the risk of COVID-19 was only a margin or marginal consideration in comparison to the prominent needs to survive socioeconomically. This choice was often summarized as follows, either I die of COVID-19 or I die of hunger. Here, I present on the next slide, what are the reasons behind vaccine resistance. Roma participants articulated mistrust in government and health authorities due to historical and current discriminative policies. The limited access to vaccination centers and the lack of state economic support were barriers even though individuals wanted to be vaccinated. Vaccination was also resisted because of fear of eviction or degradation if one status as a Roma migrant area in inform of worker was known to state authorities. Well, COVID-19 was not only a medical crisis, the communities of our research also experienced it as a crisis of their citizenship, security, and livelihoods. The fear of side effects due to underlying chronic morbidity and why their socioeconomic circumstances was also a common theme in participants at narratives. Casually, the vaccination process was seen as solely belonging to the loan Roma due to the lack of community participants in the vaccination campaign on the policy-making. The missing communication and engagement and public health professionals with Roma community members was a key part in considering vaccine resistance, and mistrust of how those professionals stayed back to us. All of my research participants had access to social media in one form or another. They were exposed to online misinformation, but it is important to remember that misinformation was not the only leading factor for vaccine hesitance. On the next and last slide, I present some entry points for engagement and building trust with Roma communities. The first point is about considering pre-existing inequalities. We knew Florida's of marginalization, and to raise awareness among public health professionals about these disadvantages in the lives of the Roma communities. The second point is about including employing and engaging Roma community members and leaders in designing and implementation of policies. It is why the public health campaigns include formally outreach by engaging trusted community leaders, community champions, health mediators, elders, religious leaders, Roman NGO representatives, and other foster wider inclusive changes and to strengthen the collaboration between community members and local authorities. The third point is about providing access to public services, including vaccination services at convenient locations and times. A fourth point is about ensuring vaccination is confidential, and personal information is protected. The fifth point is about addressing social media platform used by our own community such as Facebook, WhatsApp, and others to contravene online misinformation about vaccination. My final point to remember, and this is the most important point is that communal participation and resources targeted at cultural and socioeconomic interventions need to increase Roma participation so that there is great to vaccine participation as well. The final question of this presentation is about Roma participation and engagement. The question is, how do we engage Roma communities in public health initiatives? Thank you.